Català | Castellano | English | Français | Deutsch | Italiano | Galego | Esperanto
En aquest lloc «web» trobareu propostes per fer front a problemes econòmics que esdevenen en tots els estats del món: manca d'informació sobre el mercat, suborns, corrupció, misèria, carències pressupostàries, abús de poder, etc.
Home | Who are we? | Links | Contact and email | Blog

Books and documents:

A short history of money.
Agustí Chalaux de Subirà, Brauli Tamarit Tamarit.

Communal Capitalism.
Agustí Chalaux de Subirà.

An instrument to build peace.
Agustí Chalaux de Subirà.

Semitic legends concerning the bank.
Agustí Chalaux de Subirà.

Telematic currency and market strategy.
Magdalena Grau, Agustí Chalaux.

The power of money.
Martí Olivella.

Chapter 18. The taming of the bull. The power of money. Index. The power of money. Chapter 20. Changing the key to open the door. The power of money.

Chapter 19. Let us imagine that...

Electronic money, duly controlled, may become an instrument to try to solve conflicts which up to now were unsurmontable: between documented liability and freedom of action; between social solidarity (socialism) and personal freedom (democracy; between creation of wealth and redistribution of surpluses.

It may bring about the separation and the free personal choice between trade activities (profit motive) and communal-liberal activities (non-profit motive). It may help to complement the information centralization (global viewpoint) and decentralization of action (individuals, communities, districts, townships, regions, nations, companies, organizations... freely confederated according to the subsidiarity principle). It may help the quantification of materials and energies dispersed or degraded and the collection of funds for their protection or substitution.

This is a difficult chapter. It is usually easier to limit oneself to criticize than to imagine possible futures. Even so, we shall submit a number of possible steps to give shape to new rules of the game. This list of imagined steps is only a sketch. We should like to help to promote research and debate, at a time when we have been left without reference models to orientate, from the present, the construction of a society taking advantage of the creative possibilities brought about by the fall of dogmas, and essaying other solutions other than the ones which have failed, to solve old and new problems.

All these steps can help to better fathom the inner dynamics of the suggested model, which will be submitted in greater detail in another volume.

We shall have mainly to imagine..., to imagine a bold stage, which we think is technically and economically possible. A stage which, in any case, may help us to reflect and compare reality to discover its failures and possibilities.

The rules of the game which we shall submit, in a short form, are just a list of explicit or latent suggestions which, in democratic cultures, have been tried or claimed. We think they may be, mostly, a contribution to research by those who want to find ways to go beyond socialism and capitalism. The only novelty, perhaps, is in the fact of presenting them as related parts of an overall model which can become feasible thanks to the capacity to have an informative instrument which points out liabilities to carry them out in a little coactive and little bureaucratic way.

Some aspects of these rules of the game are a sine que non condition for a consistent and democratic application of electronic money and, at the same time, a feasible objective thanks, precisely, to the possibilities brought about by electronic money. They look for a cleaner, clearer, freeer, more responsible and solidary game:

  1. Liability and new organization of government institutions: political, judicial and civic.
  2. Independent, open, documented and free justice.
  3. Free but documentally liable market.
  4. Independent and free communal services.
  5. Self-balanced, ecologic and informative economy.
  6. Free political federation and civic confederation of the ethnic groupswhich make up the geopolitical society.
  7. Balanced and interdependent foreign relations.

We shall finish this chapter with a description of possible benefits for citizens in such day-to-day aspects as those concerning citizens' security.

1. Liability and new organization of government institutions: political, judicial and social.

Public institutions and officials show a trend to convert their service responsibility into a power irresponsibility. The political theory born of the French Revolution consecrated formal democratic principles (independence among the executive, legislative and judicial powers; universal suffrage...) but did not make sure of how to grant their observance. Lacking liability systems, public administration falls easily and with impunity into breach of trust and elightened despotism: formal-official democracy and actual non-official powers.

In spite of the two hundred years from the proclamation of democratic liberties, even at a formal level they have scarcely ever been fully in force: monarchic restorations, executive despotisms, limitation of vote, association and expression... We may say that, except for some few States, and for some few periods, the legacy of the French Revolution must still find its formal, and even more its actual definition. Why?

Before suggesting possible ways to deepen democracy, here is one preliminary recommendation: it is necessary to situate the following proposals within a framework where socialization of accounting monetary information and automatic redistribution of money to finance cultural, relief and territorial self-government needs, might avoid the endless discussions on the financing of these activities. Most conflicts between the State and other institutions (cultural and territorial), caused by the lack of clear accounts, might be solved, thanks to automatic processes out of every discussion. In this way the accounting centralization would offer a socialized information which would help decentralization of Government.

In order to avoid the social control officials to become a power against the people, it would be necessary to start a number of 'anti-power' steps to bring about the free responsibility of the governing body. Some of the feasible steps, to develop with more rigour the democratic political theory and make it really operative, might be:

  • Radical separation between the functions and the election systems of the legislative, executive and judicial bodies at all levels of society.

    Ensuring the independence between the executive and the legislative powers would avoid to formation of 'executive parliamentarisms' -which govern by executive decree-, a procedure typical of any dictatorship. Ensuring independence between State (executive and legislative powers) and Justice would allow this one to defend the lawful State.
  • Equal terms for common financing and advertising spaces for all candidates to any election. The impossibility of private financing because candidates would be enclosed in the communal statute and could only receive communal financing. Candidatures with open lists, from which persons would be voted, who submitted specific programmes and engagements, and who would not be submitted to vote discipline.

    Equal terms for all options and the system of proportional representation would allow the influence of minorities (the seeds of future transformations). Communal financing could avoid the influence of pressure groups which 'buy' votes by means of bank credits or donations for electoral campaigns. Open lists would allow to ask for personal liabilities from the elected, in whom electors have deposited their trust.
  • Documented liability of all the acts of public control, when the legal term of office had finished, in face of an independent Justice.

    We must strive for all 'responsible public person' to be actually so in face of Justice, and this will only be effective if it has the documentation of the decisions taken. Political immunity during the term of office must correspond to a total transparency when it comes to its end. It must be avoided that only 'God and history' be the ones to judge the rulers' 'liability'. For example, it must be avoided that, at the end of their term, public officials become (as it often happens) members of the boards of directors of the companies to which they have done favours. The publication of all the assets of public officials when they start their term of office and an auditing at the end are also systems of clarification and liability, which might become almost automatic.
  • Limiting continuous re-elections with suitable systems, different for the executive and the legislative officials.

    The present possibility of re-election 'professionalizes' politics and increases the possibility of transforming it into power; it makes the active participation of more citizens difficult, who are never 'prepared' to carry out public commitments.
  • Reduction of all the functions that the State has usurped and their transfer to the civilian society (districts, townships, regions, ethnic groups, utilitarian concerns, communal bodies...) for their free exercise, independent and grounded on the citizens.

    The reduction of functions of present statism is fundamental to avoid the reproduction of bureaucratic power structures. The welfare state should be substituted by the liability of citizens and their basic institutions which, united, should take up the free and plural management of communal services (health, education, information, arts, self-government...) and of productive activity (company, initiative, investment, work, innovation...) according to the subsidiarity rule (every level takes up what it can).

2. Independent, open, documented and free justice.

Most of the political theories formally acknowledge the need for an independent Justice. In practice, however, the State or the factual powers have found the way to make this independence only apparent, mediatizing it and conditioning it. The independence of Justice is a complex matter. In order to avoid this independence to be an excuse to create closed corporative powers, to perpetuate ruling classes..., a number of steps such as the following should be taken:

  • Suppression of the system of competitive examinations and numerus clausus to enter into the body of judges.

    For example: any lawyer with six years practice could register free in the school of judges (the Organic Law forsees this system of access but only for one third of the places). At the end he would act as an assistant for three years to a judge that the candidate would choose freely. If the judge, under his responsibility and public prestige, gave him his approval, he would be automatically appointed as judge and would start to practise in any of the vacant places which would always be available in order to improve the judicial service according to priorities in the budget of Justice. «A country with more judges than policemen could probably be more solidary and free than a country with more policemen than judges.» What can we expect if in Spain there are over 100,000 policemen and only 2,000 judges?
  • Open associations of judges, responsible of appointments without any interference from the State.

    Closed corporativism contributes to the constitution of factual powers. With our proposal, the corporations of judges would break their closed and classist structure (going from 2,000 to 6,000 or 10,000 judges would change magistrature also with respect to quality. Open professional bodies, with self-discipline among colleagues of every professional category, and the urge for pestige, honesty and effectiveness of the judicial body (endowed with the exact and comprehensive documentation to fund its sentences and prevent the possibility of bribery) are very important elements for making Justice self-responsible in the appointment and removal of judges.
  • Financing Justice through a system other than the conditioning budget of the Ministry of Justice (an evidently surplus Ministry) is a sine qua non condition for its independent and completely free management.

    For example, a percentage established constitutionally -on the GNP, or on the general State budget- administered with accounting clarity by the associations of judges, could ensure a free and effective judicial action against any interference or attempt to drown it through lack of money. The existence of a Ministry of Justice and of a Government's budget for Justice attempts against the proclaimed necessary independence of this institution.
  • The activation of judicial procedures does not only demand a greater number of judges but also their specialization, diversified by subjects and areas.

    For example, every trial judge, in his territorial level, would carry one only case until it was finished. The existing judicial specialties, and those which would have to be created in such a complex world as ours (penal, civil, political, medical, mercantile...), would allow a much more exact action to solve specific conflicts of every social group. The judicial extension to all territorial levels (district, township, region, ethnic and interethnic groups...) would allow to solve at every level many conflicts which today are piled up in provincial or state courts.
  • With the suppression of anonymous currency, the possibilities of abuse by Justice are instrumentally and practically much reduced. With informative and personalized currency, Justice - which protects against any interference whatsoever the monetary data bases- has, at the same time, an exhaustive and exact information to document -in public, if necessary- many of its sentences.

    There is a terribly great mistrust generated by Justice among population, because the scandals of bribery, the lack of means and the arbitrary sentences -for lack of conclusive evidence- are recurrent.
  • Today's audio-visual recording systems and self-control telematic systems allow to solve greatly the famous question of 'who controls the controller? who controls Justice?'

    Among other means, the installation of three informatic systems (each one with different machines, programmes and human teams) to process the monetary information independently and simultaneously would stop (to a high degree of statistical probability) all sorts of manipulation of information, and would grant the total inviolability of the citizens' privacy. The audio-visual recording of the judicial acts would help the lodging of complaints against judicial outrage and the revision of sentences at higher levels.

3. A free market, but documentally liable.

A clear and responsbile policy, based on a lawful State guaranteed by the impossibility of unpunished wrongdoing by the factual powers, and by the independence of a documentary Justice, is an element of fair rules of the game, which can improve the highest and best liberties, responsible in all social fields. Beyond some crippled markets -planned or falsely free- which are shelter of all sorts of exploitation (on persons and on natural life), it is necessary to make true some steps to help the market with as many real liberties as possible within accountable and solidary rules of the game. Without these rules of the game, the factual powers of any system decide on and against the remaining population. The introduction of a telematic currency could improve a policy of freedom and of social solidarity, as long as the market did work. Production and sale of utilitarian products is the wealth-generating motor, and its redistribution is not only a solidary actitude, but it is necessary for the good working of the market and for the wealth of productors (operators, workers, investors and inventors). Production is prior to consumption and investment. But generating consumption (purchasing power) and investment (credits) capacity allows to carry on producing more and better.

The 'free market' has been the lid for all sorts of foul play. The 'suppression of the market by decree', however, has been the lid for productive foolishness and ineffectivness. The market is a very ancient and useful human invention. Even if it is prohibited, sooner or later it emerges again under shape of 'black market' or officially camouflaged under the name of 'socialist mixed economy'. The problem is not market yes or market no, but disorderly market or responsible market. These rules of the game might take into account, among others, the following elements:

  • One single telematic monetary system, as a sales-purchase system allowing a documentarily liable freedom; supplying a total information to duly orientate the investments and production of free investors, operators, inventors and workers; opening a path to make state planning useless, and to contribute elements to overcome mercantilist crises.

    The informative darkness of the present market does not help at all the liable freedom of the market agents (producers and consumers). This informative darkness, based on an irrational and uninformative monetary system, does not allow to know what is being produced nor what is actually consumed, and, therefore, stops a free action to reestablish the constant imbalances which are generated.
  • The free competition and private initiative might help the production and sale of goods insofar as means were available so that this market freedom did not become a licence to help the foul play of the monopolies and oligopolies.

    The documentation for every act of sale-purchase; the understandable and free socialization of all the monetary-mercantile information; the establishment of minimum antidumping prices; the substitution of company advertising through an agile and operative information of products and services in every area; the free hiring and unhiring; the establishing of an indefinite salary of forced unemployment; the communal support of savings; the suppression of all the Social Security fees and of taxes on production or incomes; the improvement of citizens' safety with the instrumental impossibility of frauds, swindles, unpaid debts, robberies and hold-ups... are steps which might help to create a market more responsible and free than the present one.

4. Voluntary and free communal services.

If the market function is to produce and consume goods useful for life, the function of the communal area is to offer 'cultural' services in the widest sense of the word. The feature of communal-liberal professions and institutions is that, since always, they proclaim themselves altruistic and unselfish. The confusion between the market and the communal area has included this one, usually, within the tertiary mercantile sector of 'services'. It has been allowed to become one of the most influential factual powers, that of 'knowledge', which is related to and is at the service of those 'having money'.

  • It would be necessary to cause the demercantilization and the nationalization of communal professions and institutions, to put them at the free and unselfish service of all individuals, nationalities and collectivities.

    To reach the gratuity of services, while helping the free practice of professionals and the freedom of choice of 'customers' or 'users', it would be necessary to supply the communal statute of a communal funding, to allow the free practice with the necessary equipments. The struggle between public and private -health, education, mass media, research...- is a deceit which attempts against the freedom of education (teachers), of expression (journalists) and of creation (artists) and against the free choice by 'customers' or users of the services. In short, it is a struggle between two private interests: the official private powers and the factual private powers.
  • The access system to any communal profession and the working system of any communal institution might be similar to those which have been submitted for Justice.

    Suppression of competitive examinations and tests, direct access after the studies and probationary period without numerus clausus, communal funding, total gratuity of services, limitation of the professional practice outside the communal statute, incompatibility with any mercantile job and remuneration...
  • In principle the communal statute would be open to all the professions and institutions that have since always proclaimed themselves altruistic and unselfish. That is, according to their respective deontologies, non-profit and at the unconditional service of anybody requesting their service for assitance, culture, etc. The communal statute would include in the first place, all the persons and institutions dedicated to the public administration (politicians and public official). There might also be included non-profit bodies and associations (sports, cultural, trade-unions, political...), and most professionals and institutions which today are discussing whether they are public or private in the field of health, education and information, research, assitance...; also, the professionals in the field of culture and art (writers, artists...) and of religious communities.

    The main feature of all these services would be their gratuity and, therefore, they would be financed by the community. The community would pay the persons, the equipments and the expenses of the daily operation. The second feature would be their total freedom of action within the communal statute: everybody could carry out his profession as he thought fitting, as long as his help were free to 'customers' and did not harm anybody, under sanction of his professional association or the corresponding specialized justice. In the current accounts of the persons of the communal area -individuals or institutions- only money of communal origin could be deposited. In this way the 'operations' of those having money to control politics, Justice, education, health, information... would become difficult. It would therefore be incompatible to receive money from the 'community' for a communal job and, at the same time, to receive money for mercantile jobs or operations.
  • The amount of money necessary for financing those included in the communal statute could be obtained mainly by the communal creation of money (now this creation is mainly done by the private bank). So the money for the public services would not come out only from taxes nor from emissions of public debt. This is one possibility which an informative monetary system can offer: to know how much monetary value must be created and to distribute it so that production may be consumed. (It is one of the hypotheses we are studying and which can upset the conventional views of economy. Because of its importance it will be dealt with in a separate essay).

    To understand the dynamics of the communal statute something very important must be underlined. The communal sector does not produce goods directly essential for survival. We can say that it is an addition, very human, and important, but still an addition to the actually basic world of the production of 'material' goods for life. In the market dynamics goods are created, bought and sold. Its consumption surpluses allow those not producing 'material' goods to consume them, and, therefore, to be financed to buy them. If the production of consumption goods diminishes, the retribution of those depending on the communal statute in time will inevitably diminish. This will push them to help to produce more or better, either directly (getting into the market), or indirectly (improving education, health, research, services, information, politics...).
  • To make this dynamics feasible, everybody receiving communal salaries or allowances would have a number of communal 'points' allotted. The total sum of points allotted with respect to the communal monetary mass would give the monetary value of the point, which might vary according to the value of the consumption production, on the one hand, and according to the total number of points allotted, on the other.

    In this way a feed-back mechanism would be established for self-regulation, which might be a good system to avoid the bureaucracy of the public services. The competitivity which improves service, would take place in the whole of the liberal professions, thanks to this self-regulating mechanism -variation of salaries according to the value of points-, and it would also take place within each professional category, by stimulating the increase of salary and/or category. So, in this last case, in order to reward a well done job in the communal sector, it could be established that each 'professional category' might vote every year a given percentage of associates so that they might step up in the professional category as far as salary was concerned, even if they had not the preparation or there were no places available- to get there from the point of view of the professional practice.
  • Every communal professional could go into the market and viceversa, but with a waiting time and cautionary steps, to be applied according to cases.

The separation between the two statutes would also allow the creation of a mixed statute (communal-mercantile) to help either crafts, or some works and services of general interest which need political prices, but for which the help of private capital is missing to carry them out.

A daily application of the distinction between the mercantile sector and the communal sector would evidently present a number of doubts and objections both with respect to the distinction standards, and to the process of gradual and sectorial introduction. The study of these doubts, however, does not correspond to the level of diagrammatic exposition we are carrying out.

5. Balanced, ecological and informative economy.

Up to now, the economic system has been defined as an apparently balanced system: so much production is equal to so much savings-investment plus so much consumption. This balance has been deceitful, mainly because there was no available system that would document, quantify and direct the different trade flows; an impossible system under an irrational currency.

But the economic system as a whole is also irrational because, being a closed system it forgets the inputs and outputs of the system in their entirety. That is, it forgets the inputs of energy and materials, and their output with a larger degree of entropy, as residues or pollution.

A rational currency not only tries to help to equilibrate the economic system, but can also contribute elements to locate the balanced economic system within an ecological framework.

One of the functions of currency is to offer a homogenizing system of all the productions and of all the consumptions. But besides this, the function of a rational currency might be to offer information on the productions and their materials and energies, all of them heterogeneous.

This information might be very valuable to rationalize the use of materials and energies: by socializing the information on their use and penalizing or helping some production processes or some products automatically (introducing an ecological tax). With the income obtained the use of recirculated energies and materials might be fostered, a fund for the research and application of new, less depleting and less polluting processes might be created, and a plan of integral ecology (land, woods, water, air...) might be financed.

The information and the financing possibilities would help to get off the trading system, and to put under communal property all the natural resources strategic for the survival of mankind and for the balance of the ecosystems. The demercantilization of resources -under communal property and management- might avoid the squandering of many of them which today is carried out only because it is cheaper than other methods (as far as prices are concerned) or because they give, to some companies, more short-term benefits.

In this way we might start to consider that some, up to now, unquestionable 'economic goods' may become 'economic evils'. The economic growth, measured only with homogenizing monetary units may become very questionable if we consider it under the point of view of growth of the degree of entropy or of the production of pollution implied.

The working out of a lawful State, with equal actual freedom and solidarity legally for everybody, demands the establishment of an economic democracy, that is, of an economic system allowing actual freedom and solidarity for everybody also in trading aspects.

  • The first social freedom and solidarity is to have a right to consumption, that is, to have money to buy what is vitally necessary. Without the ability to consume this vital minimum, and without free cultural-communal services, democracy is only for those who already have money and culture.
  • The possibility of giving out money to every person just for their sake and of financing the communal services could be feasible thanks to the monetary system which would allow the right communal invention of money for balancing the market, and a simplified automatic fiscal collection.
  • The quantitative and qualitative increase of consumption goods depends on the ability of the production agents to generate them. So, it would be necessary to strengthen those who produce private wealth (workers, managers, investors, inventors), because from their ability would depend explicitly the financing of those depending on the communal statute. The more or better private wealth, the more or better communal wealth for distribution. And better communal services. With this distributive system, private good would not be opposed to common good, but it could improve it greatly and, as a consequence, the common good would also improve private good.
  • The overcoming of the inflation-deflation crises might be one contribution of a rational monetary system: in every sale-purchase operation the cheque value corresponds to the invoice value. The speed of circulation of money would be under control and it would not disturb the economic balance (ratio between the value of the offered goods and the value of the monetary demand), which would become almost automatic: it would be possible to invent communally, and in the right measure, the amount of money necessary for every increase of the trade value of production.
  • The socialization of trade information, that is, putting it within reach of all the society, would open the possibility of a more intelligent and effective democratic action both in the market and in public finance, an action which would allow to go beyond the 'centralist planning' and the 'mercantilist misappropriation'.
  • The necessary reduction of the legal working time, in order to face structural unemployment, might be financed by means of a communal plan avoiding the extent possible to inflict its cost on the companies or on the workers. Salaried work would become less and less important in the whole of production, and forced unemployment should be faced by restating the motto 'who does not work should not eat', while fostering creative communal occupations.

6. Free federation and confederation of ethnic groups making up the geopolitical society.

To defend actual liberties calls for the fostering of autonomy and independence of everybody. But not only individuals must be considered as persons, but also national persons. To avoid confusions in such a delicate matter we understand that national persons (also called ethnic groups) are those making up a geopolitical society (which usually is multinational and is co-ordinated, and often dominated, by a State. An ethnic group is a nation with a conscience of having a culture, an ethics and, sometimes, its own language.

Respect of human rights includes not only individuals and collectivities, but also human nations (ethnic groups), from the most basic nuclei (families, communities of neighbours, districts...) to the most complex ones (townships, regions, historical ethnic and interethnic groups).

  • Respect to ethnic groups would demand their free and negotiated adherence to the federal agreement constituting the geopolitical society they make up either willingly or conditioned by the world geostrategic situation.

    There is no important reason to keep the anachronistic centralist Nation-States, beyond that of fostering the concentration of power in the hands of despotic statisms. The free bond of every ethnic and interethnic group to a project of political society is one of the most important democratic indicators, and is the basis of any attempt of peaceful solution of the interethnic relations. In our nearest reality, the construction of a Europe of ethnic groups may be an exciting project to overcome the chauvinisms of the nation-states, unable, up to now, to create a European federation overcoming statisms, and to positively channel the resurgence of ethnic groups.
  • The federal framework, protecting in face of the outside all the ethnic groups which make up the geopolitical society, would also allow the free multiple inner federation among them at all territorial levels for an effective and free government of each of them.

    The districts, the townships, the regions, the historical ethnic groups and their respective autonomous governments may apply today, with due knowledge, thanks to the telematic information, the subsidiarity principle: each assumes what it can do, and federates with others for what it cannot do alone. This could be done, keeping in mind the different overall factors participating in the solution of a problem. A complete information and a fair, undiscussed, financement allow the assumption of responsibilities, very interesting in order to attack the creation of centralist powers, and to foster the actual participation of citizens, starting the democratic practice from the basis.

7. Balanced and interdependent foreign relations.

In the hypothetic stage of the application of the monetary change in one single State, the new rules of the game might open new possibilities in the relationship with other geopolitical societies (States) and, specially, in the balance of foreign trade.

In a world becoming more and more interrelated in all aspects, a hypothetical global change must be relocated within a wide geopolitical framework in order to help to overcome the Nation-States and to give cohesion to projects of political federation of many ethnic and interethnic groups, as for example in the case of the construction of a Europe of ethnic groups. But it is possible that the necessary construction of a Europe, solidary among the different ethnic groups making it up, and solidary with the other peoples of the Earth, be not the project of the Europe of the present Nation-States.

Any change in the rules of the game of one of the present Nation-States, or of Europe as a whole, would need the establishment of a new system of relations with the rest of the world.

Relations should be restated at different levels:

  • At the economic level: finding a balance between incomings and outgoings; to stop exploitation and to give back -when necessary-; to cancel the foreign debt generated by debatable bank operations; to foster the establishment of a new monetary system against the speculation and the hegemony of some currencies (dollar, mark, yen...).
  • At the political level: to improve co-operation, overcoming military blocks and fostering the free federation of larger areas.
  • At the cultural level: to respect the different cultures and economies, and to improve mutual knowledge and dialogue.
  • At the ecological level: to improve the balance of planetary ecosystems and to reconvert contaminating industrial systems.

The suggestions which have been submitted all along this book in the monetary and trade aspect must now be applied in the interstate relations. In order to improve this change some principles, agreements and instruments should be established to allow:

  • To stop the futile circulation of currencies and their speculative use in the Stock Exchange.

    Money, as a notation in current accounts, could only take place from company to company, as a counterpart of a sale-purchase of merchandise -goods and services- or as an anticipated purchase power -credit- to buy some. The country's currency, therefore, could not be quoted in the Exchange, and it could not be speculated with.
  • The equilibrium of trade balances among geopolitical societies to avoid the dependence of some and the imperialism of others, to avoid irresponsible foreign indebtment.

    Recording every trade operation with abroad (sale-purchase, credits, interests) would help to obtain a very reliable information to attain an equilibrium between the value of imports and that of exports. Customs duties might become a regulating element of free trade and to burden both imports and exports if the agreed equilibrium of a bilateral or multilateral agreement of foreign trade were broken. This equilibrium would compel, for example, to pay well raw materials of the countries which have been exploited up to now, because, on the contrary, they could not buy manufactured products for the same value. It is absolutely unreasonable to expect to have an always favourable balance of trade, because if this is so then other countries have it unfavourable. With this system the terrible problem of indebtment would be limited.
  • Establishing the purchasing value for each currency with respect to the purchasing value of some given merchandise -or of a number of them-, a value as stable as possible which would allow, to relate the value of this currency with the others so that trade could take place under fair conditions. This could be a system as long as a rational international system were not introduced.

    The present acceptance of dollar and of a few other strong currencies for international payments, seriously imbalances the world trade because they fluctuate according to many different interests: the dollar going up or down means wealth for some or poverty for others.
  • The possibility of the world redistribution of resources, especially of production surpluses, thanks to the possibility of invention of money with respect to the surpluses in the domestic market, which in this way could be exported to lacking countries without having to destroy them for fear of not selling them or of prices sinking below the cost price.

    When money is not documentally rational, its lack may stop another country from buying goods and produce a loss for the producing country which cannot sell it -in the case of a saturated domestic market. This infernal circle, which does not benefit anybody, might be studied with an informative currency channelling trade offers and supplying purchasing power to the possible exporting-importing dealer (with credits) and at the same time the possible consumers (financed by the community) of another geopolitical society lacking this merchandise.

    To avoid immigration, because of the great differences of life conditions among countries, the possibility of granting non-retrievable credits to countries in difficulties, according to the unused, own productive capacity, might help to introduce similar rational monetary systems in other places. It would be necessary to keep watch, however, so that 'co-operation' did not become the cause of destruction of the market in the receiving country or of creating new artificial needs for their culture.
  • The movement of people from one country to another, without having to change national currencies, thanks to the utilization of their own money card of international diffusion.

All the above rules of the game, submitted schematically, may not give a clear enough idea of the possible advantages that common citizens would have in their daily life. Trying to overcome this difficulty we might imagine their repercussions in such a complex matter as that of security.

Insecurity is today the excuse to strengthen the police statism. On the other hand, it does not help to avoid the causes of small delinquency nor to solve 'terrorism', always a profitable business for power.

With a system of personalized and informative telematic money, security would not need arbitrary, ineffective and corrupt police bodies. On the one hand, the personalization of monetary and trade relations, and on the other the solution of the main subjects of social violence (destitution, poverty, proscription, drugs... and the lack of federative freedom of ethnic groups), might contribute a drastic reduction of social violence.

The suppression of anonymous money would stop the practical realization of most crimes related to money (which are the most). The allocation to every person (especially to dropouts and jobless) of communal salaries, together with free cultural and assistance services, would strike at the root some of the causes of most present delinquency. A special help to women would allow them to be more easily free from the consequences of crimes which today are not even denounced (beatings by the husband, rape...) and would depenalize acts which present legislation condemns (abortion, divorce...).

The legalization, controlled by the monetary system, of the use and trade of drugs (alcohol, tobacco, marijuana, acid...) would avoid rackets and harmful adulterations of products; and would allow to eliminate the taste of subversive and dangerous adventure generated by the prohibition. Suitable treatments of detoxication in the hands of independent professionals with enough means, a clear information on the effect of drugs and the possibility of developing personal interests up to now forbidden for lack of means, seem to us better systems than police search.

Most common crimes (currency evasion, forgery of documents, swindles, blackmail, hostages, hold-ups, robberies, prostitution, white slave trade, pandering, traffic of drugs, arms, works of art, bribery of officials, politicians, judges, murder or devastations to order, extorsions...) need, use or look for anonymous money. Its suppression would stop the use of the corpus delicti. Probably new forms of delinquency would appear, but it would be a success if, for some time, most of the causes and instruments of the present ones could be eliminated.

The armed struggle for class freedom or for national freedom, within the framework of a society freely federative of the ethnic groups which make it up, and effectively solidary, specially with the underprivileged, would practically loose its inducement. But also without a possibility of working with personalized currency, as it would preclude the usual sources of financement of these organizations (secret funds, hold-ups, revolutionary tax...) and the traffic of arms.

All these steps might bring back the leisure of walking without being besieged by beggars, robbers, layers of bombs, or... by antiriot police actions.

The function of the police forces would be to watch over the respect of the rules of the constitutional game and the coexistence rules of every ethnic community. Under normal conditions the police might go unarmed. The execution of the rules of the constituional game would not depend so much from repression -always ineffective in the long run- as from the taking-on of documented liability of free acts of persons in face of Justice, which would have available this documentation for investigating or judging a case. Insofar as the flexibility of democratic institutions were real, the voice of minorities would be heard much more easily, without condemning them to the use of violence.

These are some of the rules of the game which, one way or other, might serve to introduce and at the same time take advantage of the informative and personalized currency. It is understood that they are only proposals for a deeper study. It is always risky to explain complex and interconnected matters in a simple and straightforward way. But not explaining them may stop seeing the relation between the suggested monetary change and the possible new stage for the social change.

Chapter 18. The taming of the bull. The power of money. Index. The power of money. Chapter 20. Changing the key to open the door. The power of money.

Home | Who we are? | Links | Contact and email